Albert Libertad was born in Bordeaux on 24th November 1875. He lost the use of his legs as a result of a childhood illness. Soon afterwards he was abandoned by his parents. Libertad moved to Montmartre in 1896 and he gradually emerged as a significant figure in the anarchist movement in the city.
In 1905 Libertad established l'Anarchie. Contributors to the journal included Victor Serge, Rirette Maitrejean and Emile Armand. In the 1906 General Election he called on people not to vote: "As usual, they will insult each other, slander each other, fight each other. Blows will be exchanged for the benefit of third thieves, always ready to profit from the stupidity of the crowd. Why will you go for this? You live with your kids in unhealthy lodgings. You eat – when you can – food adulterated by the greed of traffickers. Exposed to the ravages of alcoholism and tuberculosis, you wear yourself out from morning to night at a job that is always imbecilic and useless and that you don’t even profit from. The next day you start over again, and so it goes till you die. Is it then a question of changing all this? Are they going to give you the means of realizing a flourishing existence, you and your comrades? Are you going to be able to come and go, eat, drink, breathe without constraint, love with joy, rest, enjoy scientific discoveries and their application, decreasing your efforts, increasing your well-being. Are you finally going to live without disgust or care the large life, the intense life? No, say the politicians proposed for your suffrage. This is only a distant ideal...You must be patient...You are many, but you should also become conscious of your might so as to abandon it into the hands of your ‘saviors’ once every four years. But what will they do in their turn? Laws! What is the law? The oppression of the greater number by a coterie claiming to represent the majority. In any event, error proclaimed by the majority doesn’t become true, and only the unthinking bow before a legal lie. The truth cannot be determined by vote. He who votes accepts to be beaten."
Libertad called on the people to overthrow the government: "The anarchists alone are logical in revolt. The anarchists don’t vote. They don’t want to be the majority that commands; they don’t accept being the minority that obeys. When they rebel they have no need to break any contract: they never accept tying their individuality to any government of any kind. They alone, then, are rebels held back by no ties, and each of their violent gestures is in relation to their ideas, is logically consistent with their reasoning. By demonstration, by observation, by experience or, lacking these, by force, by violence, these are the means by which the anarchists want to impose themselves. By majority, by the law, never!"
In another article in l'Anarchie Libertad argued: "In present society, made foul by the conventional defecations of property, of patriotism, of religion, of family, of ignorance, crushed by the power of government and the inertia of the governed; I wish not to disappear, but to throw upon the scene the light of truth, to provide a disinfectant, to it by any means at my command. Even with death approaching, I shall have still the desire to chair my body by means of phenol or acid, for the sake of humanity’s health. And if I am destroyed in this effort, I shall not be totally effaced. I shall have reacted against the environment, I shall have lived briefly but intensely; I shall perhaps have opened a breach for the passage of energies similar to my own. No, it is not life that is bad, but the conditions in which we live. Therefore we shall address ourselves not to life, but to these conditions: let us change them. One must live, one must desire to live still more abundantly. Let us accept not even the partial suicides. Let us be eager to know all experiences, all happiness, all sensations.... Let us be champion of life; so that desires may arise out of our turpitude and weakness; let us assimilate the earth to our own concept of beauty. Thus may our wishes be united, magnificently; and at the last we shall know the Joy of Life in the absolute."
Victor Serge, who worked closely with Libertad described him in his autobiography, Memoirs of a Revolutionary (1951): "No one knew his real name, or anything of him before he started preaching. Crippled in both legs, walking on crutches which he plied vigorously in fights (he was a great one for fighting, despite his handicap), he bore, on a powerful body, a bearded head whose face was finely proportioned. Destitute, having come as a tramp from the south, he began his preaching in Montmartre, among libertarian circles and the queues of poor devils waiting for their dole of soup not far from the site of Sacre Coeur. Violent, magnetically attractive, he became the heart and soul of a movement of such exceptional dynamism that it is not entirely dead even at this day. Albert Libertad loved streets, crowds, fights, ideas, and women. On two occasions he set up house with a pair of sisters, the Mahes and then the Morands. He had children whom he refused to register with the State."
Albert Libertad died in a street fight on 12th November, 1908.
The national and international holiday of the organized proletariat.
The Bastille Day of the unionized working class, the replay of the holiday of the Bistros.
The tragi-comic anniversary of something that will be taken away ...
May Day 1905: Prologue
In the archiepiscopal church the grand ceremony takes place: the high priests, who have been delegated to other places, are absent.
The tribune is filled. The office is invaded. The strangest looking faces appear there. An assessor, delegate and secretary of I-don’t-know-what, who has decorated his breast with a large tie, with his decoration and his lit up mug, set the appropriate tone.
Appearing in a curious parade, all alone come the eternal bit players and the future stars. In the wings we can imagine the presence of influential directors falsifying the system.
Alcohol overflows in smelly burps from almost every mouth.
A few ordinary workers, a hundred at most, have come in a spirit of combativeness, or though obligation. There are a few who are sincere, thinking they are working for their emancipation, and who are sickened and disillusioned by the drunken events around them.
A bizarre salad where the words “Organized proletariat,” “workers demands,” “Eight hour day,” dance about. “All arise in 1906,” “The Bosses,” “The Exploiters,” “The Exploited,” “My Corporation,” “Delegates,” “The Union of...,"etc. are seasoned before us.
One has the impression of listening to a constantly wound up phonograph , but whose worn out notches allow only a few words to escape.
Any attempt at serious debate is impossible. We are in the hall not to learn but – it appears – to impress the bosses.
The bourgeois were frightened!!!
The bourgeois felt pass over them the wind of riot, the breath of revolt, and they feared the hurricane, the storm that would unleash those with unsatisfied appetites on their too well garnished tables.
The bourgeois were frightened!!!
The bourgeois, fat and tranquil, blissful and peaceful, heard the horrifying grumble of the painful and poor digestion of the thin, the rachitic, the unsatisfied. The bellies heard the rumblings of the arms, who refused to bring them their daily pittance.
The bourgeois were frightened!!!
The bourgeois gathered together their piles of money, their titles; they hid them in holes from the claws of the destroyers; the bourgeois stored their movable property, and they then looked around to see where to hide themselves. The big city wasn’t very safe with all those threats in the air. And the countryside wasn’t either... when the evening came chateaus were being burned down there.
The bourgeois were frightened! A fear that gripped their bellies, their stomachs, their throats, without any means of attenuating it presenting itself.
And so the bourgeois put up barricades of steel and blood in front of the of the workers, cemented with blood and flesh. They tried to rejoice at seeing the little infantrymen and the heavy dragoons parade before their windows. They swooned before the handsome Republican Guards and the fine cavalrymen. And still, fear invaded their being. They were frightened.
That fear seemed to have something of remorse in it. One could believe that the bourgeois felt the logic of the acts that included everyone and everything that they alone had possessed up till then.
The bourgeois were afraid that suddenly, in a great movement, the two sides of the scale that had always inclined in the direction of their desires would suddenly be leveled. They believed the moment for disgorgement had finally come. Since their lives were made of the deaths of other men, they believed that on this day the lives of others would be made of their deaths.
O anguished dream! The bourgeois were frightened, really frightened!!
But the hurricane passed over their heads and the bellies and didn’t kill. The lightning rods of sabers and rifles sufficed for the few gusts that blew forgotten over society.
The worker again took up his labor. He again bent his back over the daily task. Today like yesterday, the slave prepares his master’s swill.
We in Paris, almost without our knowledge, were threatened with a great revolution.
We were threatened with great perturbations in the slaughterhouses of La Villette.
A few snatches of reasons for this was allowed to reach indiscrete ears. Hoof and mouth was spoken of. But what is this alongside other reasons, ones we must know nothing of.
Only dead meat should leave the slaughterhouses of the city, and only living meat should enter.
But go see. Beasts enter, pulled on, pushed against. They must enter alive, with a breath, only a breath, hardly anything.
And the contaminated carrion is sold, served to the faubourgs of Paris from Menilmontant to Montrouge, from Belleville to La Chapelle.
Go, workers of the slaughterhouses, defend your “rights.” Go, butcher boys, defend “your own.” You must go on slaughtering, go on serving poisoned meat.
Go beef drivers, turn and re-turn your fever-bearing meats from the Beauce to Paris, from Paris to all the workers from the north, the west, and the east? Go ahead, come to Paris, contaminate your animals or bring here the poison contracted elsewhere.
What do evil gestures, useless gestures, poisonous gestures matter? One must live. And to work is to poison, to pillage, to steal, to lie to other men. Work means adulterating drinks, manufacturing cannons, slaughtering and serving slices of poisoned meat.
That’s what work means for the spineless meat that surrounds us, the meat that should be slaughtered and pushed into the sewers.
Anarchism swept us away completely because it both demanded everything of us and offered us everything. There was no remotest corner of life that it failed to illumine; at least so it seemed to us. A man could be a Catholic, a Protestant, a Liberal, a Radical, a Socialist, even a syndicalist, without in anyway changing his own life, and therefore life in general. It was enough for him, after all, to read the appropriate newspaper; or, if he was strict, to frequent the cafe associated with whatever tendency claimed his allegiance. Shot through with contradictions, fragmented into varieties and sub-varieties, anarchism demanded, before anything else, harmony between deeds and words (which, in truth, is demanded by all forms of idealism, but which they all forget as they become complacent). That is why we adopted what was (at that moment) the extremest variety, which by vigorous dialectic had succeeded, through the logic of its revolutialism, in discarding the necessity for revolution. To a certain extent we were impelled in that direction by our disgust with a certain type of rather mellow, academic anarchism, whose Pope was Jean Grave in Zerrzps Nouveaux. Individualism had just been affirmed by our hero Albert Libertad. No one knew his real name, or anything of him before he started preaching. He had children whom he refused to register with the State. "The State? Don't know it. The name? I don't give a damn; they'll pick one that suits them. "Me law? To hell with it." He died in hospital in 1908 as the result of a fight, bequeathing his body ("That carcass of mine," he called it) for dissection in the cause of science.
His teaching, which we adopted almost wholesale, was: "Don't wait for the revolution. Those who promise revolution are frauds just like the others. Make your own revolution, by being free men and living in comradeship." Obviously I am simplifying, but the idea itself had a beautiful simplicity. Its absolute commandment and rule of life was: "Let the old world go to blazes." From this position there were naturally many deviations. Some inferred that one should "live according to Reason and Science," and their impoverished worship of science, which invoked the mechanistic biology of Felix le Dantec, led them on to all sorts of tomfoolery, such as a salt less, vegetarian diet and fruitarianism and also, in certain cases, to tragic ends. We saw young vegetarians involved in pointless struggles against the whole of society. Others decided, "Let's be outsiders. "The only place for us is the fringe of society." They did not stop to think that society has no fringe, that no one is ever outside it, even in the depth of dungeons, and that their "conscious egoism," sharing the life of the defeated, linked up from below with the most brutal bourgeois individualism.
He was born in Bordeaux, and died in Paris. Abandoned by his parents as a baby, Libertad was a child of the Public Assistance in Bordeaux. As a result of a childhood illness, he lost the use of his legs,  but he put his handicap to good use: he used his crutches as weapons against the police. He moved to Paris at 21, where he immediately was active in anarchist circles, going so far as to live in the offices of the journal “Le Libertaire.” Member of various anarchist groups, and a supporter of “propaganda by the deed,” he was nevertheless an abstentionist candidate in Paris’s 11th arrondissement in 1902 and 1904, seeing his candidacy as a means of spreading anarchist ideas. During the Dreyfus affair, he founded the Anti-Militarist League (1902) "and, along with Paraf-Javal, founded the “Causeries populaires”, public discussions that met with great interest throughout the country, contributing to the opening of a bookstore and various clubs in different quarters of Paris". 
In 1905, Libertad founded what was probably the most important individualist anarchist journal, L’Anarchie, which included among its collaborators André Lorulot, Emile Armand, and Victor Serge and his companion Rirette Maitrejean. The French theorist of the Situationist International Raoul Vaneigem reports that Libertad gained notoriety for a call to action in which he "invited citizens to burn their ID papers and to become humans again, refusing to let themselves be reduced to a number, duly filed in the statistic state inventories of slaves."  He also worked as corrector with Aristide Briand, editing the review, La Lanterne, and then with Sébastien Faure. An activist of the free love, Libertad wrote in EnDehors, a famous newspaper founded by Zo d'Axa.
Naturism or nudism is a cultural and political movement practising, advocating and defending social nudity in private and in public. It may also refer to a lifestyle based on personal, family and/or social nudism.
Several other terms ("social nudity", "public nudity", "skinny dipping", "sunning", and, recently, "clothes-free") have been proposed as alternative terms for naturism, but none has found the same widespread public acceptance as the older terms "naturism" and (in much of the United States) "nudism".
The naturist philosophy has several sources, many of which can be traced back to early 20th century health and fitness philosophies in Germany, though the concepts of returning to nature and creating equality are also cited as inspiration. From Germany the idea spread to the UK, Canada, the United States and beyond where a network of clubs developed. The model of German naturism is to promote naturist family and recreational sports, with the German Association for Free Body Culture (DFK) being a member of the German Olympic Sport Federation (DOSB). French naturism developed on the basis of large holiday complexes. This in turn influenced Quebec and the United States. A subsequent development was tourist naturism, where nudist resorts would be built to cater for the nudist tourist, without any local base. This concept is most noticeable in the Caribbean.
From early days, clothes-free beaches and other types of ad-hoc nudist activities have served those who wish to take part in naturist activities without belonging to any clubs. In the UK, this is termed "free-range" naturism.
Naturism can contain aspects of eroticism for some people, although many modern naturists and naturist organisations argue it need not. The lay public and the media often oversimplify this relationship.
Alphonse Gallaud de la Pérouse (28 May 1864 &ndash 30 August 1930), better known as Zo d'Axa, was a French adventurer, anti-militarist, satirist, journalist, and founder of two of the most legendary French magazines, L'EnDehors and La Feuille.
Unionpedia is a concept map or semantic network organized like an encyclopedia – dictionary. It gives a brief definition of each concept and its relationships.
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The Freedom Riders, Then and Now
On Sunday, May 14, 1961—Mother's Day—scores of angry white people blocked a Greyhound bus carrying black and white passengers through rural Alabama. The attackers pelted the vehicle with rocks and bricks, slashed tires, smashed windows with pipes and axes and lobbed a firebomb through a broken window. As smoke and flames filled the bus, the mob barricaded the door. "Burn them alive," somebody cried out. "Fry the goddamn niggers." An exploding fuel tank and warning shots from arriving state troopers forced the rabble back and allowed the riders to escape the inferno. Even then some were pummeled with baseball bats as they fled.
From This Story
Video: Riding to Freedom
A few hours later, black and white passengers on a Trailways bus were beaten bloody after they entered whites-only waiting rooms and restaurants at bus terminals in Birmingham and Anniston, Alabama.
The bus passengers assaulted that day were Freedom Riders, among the first of more than 400 volunteers who traveled throughout the South on regularly scheduled buses for seven months in 1961 to test a 1960 Supreme Court decision that declared segregated facilities for interstate passengers illegal.
After news stories and photographs of the burning bus and bloody attacks sped around the country, many more people came forward to risk their lives and challenge the racial status quo. Now Eric Etheridge, a veteran magazine editor, provides a visceral tribute to those road warriors in Breach of Peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi Freedom Riders. The book, a collection of Etheridge's recent portraits of 80 Freedom Riders juxtaposed with mug shots from their arrests in 1961, includes interviews with the activists re-flecting on their experiences.
Etheridge, who grew up in Carthage, Mississippi, focuses on Freedom Riders who boarded buses to Jackson, Mississippi, from late May to mid-September 1961. He was just 4 years old at the time and unaware of the seismic racial upheaval taking place around him. But he well remembers using one entrance to his doctor's office while African-Americans used another, and sitting in the orchestra of his local movie theater while blacks sat in the balcony.
"Looking back," Etheridge says, "I can identify with what the white South African photographer Jillian Edelstein has said: 'Growing up white in apartheid South Africa entitled one to massive and instant privilege.'"
Freedom Riders "wanted to be a part of this effort to change America." John Lewis, the future congressman, was arrested for his actions. (Courtesy of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History) Georgia Congressman John Lewis. (Eric Etheridge, from Breach of Peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi Freedom Riders, Atlas & Co.) Mug shot of Freedom Rider Miller Green. (Courtesy of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History) Miller Green, of Chicago, spent 39 days in a Mississippi prison after his arrest at a bus station: "We were jammed in like cattle, with no lights, no air, as punishment for singing and reading sermons." (Eric Etheridge, from Breach of Peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi Freedom Riders, Atlas & Co.) Mug shot of Freedom Rider Joan Pleune. (Courtesy of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History) "I can't stand being silent about things I care about," says Joan Pleune, of New York City, who was arrested with her sister. First alarmed at their activism, their mother took pride in being introduced as the mother of Freedom Riders. (Eric Etheridge, from Breach of Peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi Freedom Riders, Atlas & Co.) Mug shot of Freedom Rider Hellen O'Neal-McCray. (Courtesy of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History) Confined in a Jackson jail for ten days with inmates accused of prostitution and murder, Hellen O'Neal-McCray, of Yellow Springs, Ohio, was struck by their kindness: They "embraced me, taught me to play cards and sang freedom songs with me." (Eric Etheridge, from Breach of Peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi Freedom Riders, Atlas & Co.) Mug shot of Freedom Rider Alphonso Petway. (Courtesy of the Mississippi Department of Archives and History) "I was by myself in the paddy wagon for a while," recalls the Rev. Alphonso Petway, of Mobile, Alabama, who was 16 when arrested at a "white" cafeteria: "That was a frightening moment. I had heard horror stories of people going missing." (Eric Etheridge, from Breach of Peace: Portraits of the 1961 Mississippi Freedom Riders, Atlas & Co.)
A few years ago, Etheridge, who lives in New York City and has worked for Rolling Stone and Harper's, began looking for a project to engage his budding photographic skills. During a visit with his parents in Jackson in 2003, he was reminded that a lawsuit had forced the Mississippi State Sovereignty Commission, an agency created in 1956 to resist desegregation, to open its archives. The agency files, put online in 2002, included more than 300 arrest photographs of Freedom Riders."The police camera caught something special," Etheridge says, adding that the collection is "an amazing addition to the visual history of the civil rights movement." Unwittingly, the segregationist commission had created an indelible homage to the activist riders.
Nearly 75 percent of them were between 18 and 30 years old. About half were black a quarter, women. Their mug-shot expressions hint at their resolve, defiance, pride, vulnerability and fear. "I was captivated by these images and wanted to bring them to a wider audience," Etheridge writes. "I wanted to find the riders today, to look into their faces and photograph them again." Using the Internet and information in the arrest files, he tracked riders down, then called them cold. "My best icebreaker was: 'I have your mug shot from 1961. Have you ever seen it?' Even people who are prone to be cautious were tickled to even think that it still existed."
Most of the riders were college students many, such as the Episcopal clergymen and contingents of Yale divinity students, had religious affiliations. Some were active in civil rights groups like the Congress of Racial Equality (CORE), which initiated the Freedom Rides and was founded in 1942 on Mahatma Gandhi's principle of nonviolent protest. The goal of the rides, CORE director James Farmer said as he launched the campaign, was "to create a crisis so that the federal government would be compelled to enforce the law."
The volunteers, from 40 states, received training in nonviolence tactics. Those who could not refrain from striking back when pushed, hit, spit on or doused with liquids while racial epithets rang in their ears were rejected.
As soon as he heard the call for riders, Robert Singleton remembers, he "was fired up and ready to go." He and his wife, Helen, had both been active in the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People and they took 12 volunteers with them from California. "The spirit that permeated the air at that time was not unlike the feeling Barack Obama has rekindled among the youth of today," says Singleton, now 73 and an economics professor at Loyola Marymount University in Los Angeles.
Peter Ackerberg, a lawyer who now lives in Minneapolis, said that while he'd always talked a "big radical game," he had never acted on his convictions. "What am I going to tell my children when they ask me about this time?" he recalled thinking. Boarding a bus in Montgomery, Alabama, "I was pretty scared," he told Etheridge. "The black guys and girls were singing. They were so spirited and so unafraid. They were really prepared to risk their lives." Today, Ackerberg recalls acquiescing and saying "sir" to a jail official who was "pounding a blackjack." Soon after, "I could hear the blackjack strike [rider C.T. Vivian's] head and him shrieking I don't think he ever said 'sir.'"
John Lewis, then 21 and already a veteran of sit-ins to desegregate lunch counters in Nashville, was the first Freedom Rider to be assaulted. While trying to enter a whites-only waiting room in Rock Hill, South Carolina, two men set upon him, battering his face and kicking him in the ribs. Less than two weeks later, he joined a ride bound for Jackson. "We were determined not to let any act of violence keep us from our goal," Lewis, a Georgia congressman since 1987 and a celebrated civil rights figure, said recently. "We knew our lives could be threatened, but we had made up our minds not to turn back."
As riders poured into the South, National Guardsmen were assigned to some buses to prevent violence. When activists arrived at the Jackson bus depot, police arrested blacks who refused to heed orders to stay out of white restrooms or vacate the white waiting room. And whites were arrested if they used "colored" facilities. Officials charged the riders with breach of peace, rather than breaking segregation laws. Freedom Riders responded with a strategy they called "jail, no bail"—a deliberate effort to clog the penal facilities. Most of the 300 riders in Jackson would endure six weeks in sweltering jail or prison cells rife with mice, insects, soiled mattresses and open toilets.
"The dehumanizing process started as soon as we got there," said Hank Thomas, a Marriott hotel franchise owner in Atlanta, who was then a sophomore at Howard University in Washington, D.C. "We were told to strip naked and then walked down this long corridor. I'll never forget [CORE director] Jim Farmer, a very dignified man . walking down this long corridor naked. that is dehumanizing. And that was the whole point."
Jean Thompson, then a 19-year-old CORE worker, said she was one of the riders slapped by a penal official for failing to call him "sir." An FBI investigation into the incident concluded that "no one was beaten," she told Etheridge. "That said a lot to me about what actually happens in this country. It was eye-opening." When prisoners were transferred from one facility to another, unexplained stops on remote dirt roads or the sight of curious onlookers peering into the transport trucks heightened fears. "We imagined every horror including an ambush by the KKK," rider Carol Silver told Etheridge. To keep up their spirits, the prisoners sang freedom songs.
None of the riders Etheridge spoke with expressed regrets, even though some would be entangled for years in legal appeals that went all the way to the Supreme Court (which issued a ruling in 1965 that led to a reversal of the breach of peace convictions). "It's the right thing to do, to oppose an oppressive state where wrongs are being done to people," said William Leons, a University of Toledo professor of anthropology whose father had been killed in an Austrian concentration camp and whose mother hid refugees during World War II. "I was aware very much of my parents' involvement in the Nazi resistance," he said of his 39-day incarceration as a rider. "[I was] doing what they would have done."
More than two dozen of the riders Etheridge interviewed went on to become teachers or professors, and there are eight ministers as well as lawyers, Peace Corps workers, journalists and politicians. Like Lewis, Bob Filner, of California, is a congressman. And few former Freedom Riders still practice civil disobedience. Joan Pleune, 70, of New York City, is a member of the Granny Peace Brigade she was arrested two years ago at an anti-Iraq War protest in Washington, D.C. while "reading the names of the war dead," she says. Theresa Walker, 80, was arrested in New York City in 2000 during a protest over the police killing there the year before of Amadou Diallo, an unarmed immigrant from Guinea.
Though the Freedom Rides dramatically demonstrated that some Southern states were ignoring the U.S. Supreme Court's mandate to desegregate bus terminals, it would take a petition from U.S. Attorney General Robert Kennedy to spur the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) to issue tough new regulations, backed by fines up to $500, that would eventually end segregated bus facilities. Even after the order went into effect, on November 1, 1961, hard-core segregation persisted still, the "white" and "colored" signs in bus stations across the South be- gan to come down. The New York Times, which had earlier criticized the Freedom Riders' "incitement and provocation," acknowledged that they "started the chain of events which resulted in the new I.C.C. order."
The legacy of the rides "could not have been more poetic," says Robert Singleton, who connects those events to the election of Barack Obama as president. Obama was born in August 1961, Singleton notes, just when the riders were languishing in Mississippi jails and prisons, trying to "break the back of segregation for all people, but especially for the children. We put ourselves in harm's way for a child, at the very time he came into this world, who would become our first black president."
Joseph Albert (known as Albert Libertad or simply Libertad) (1875-1908) was an individualist anarchist militant and writer from France who edited the influential anarchist publication L’Anarchie. Abandoned by his parents as a baby, Libertad was a child of the Public Assistance in Bordeaux. As a result of a childhood illness, he lost the use of his legs, but put his handicap to good use, using his crutches as weapons against the police. He moved to Paris at 21, where he soon became active in anarchist circles, going so far as to live in the offices of the journal “Le Libertaire”.
In 1905, Libertad founded what was probably the most important individualist anarchist journal, L’Anarchie. The French theorist of the Situationist International Ra Joseph Albert (known as Albert Libertad or simply Libertad) (1875-1908) was an individualist anarchist militant and writer from France who edited the influential anarchist publication L’Anarchie. Abandoned by his parents as a baby, Libertad was a child of the Public Assistance in Bordeaux. As a result of a childhood illness, he lost the use of his legs, but put his handicap to good use, using his crutches as weapons against the police. He moved to Paris at 21, where he soon became active in anarchist circles, going so far as to live in the offices of the journal “Le Libertaire”.
In 1905, Libertad founded what was probably the most important individualist anarchist journal, L’Anarchie. The French theorist of the Situationist International Raoul Vaneigem reports that Libertad gained notoriety for a call to action in which he "invited citizens to burn their ID papers and to become humans again, refusing to let themselves be reduced to a number, duly filed in the statistic state inventories of slaves."
그는 보르도에서 태어났으며 파리에서 죽었다. 그는 아직 아기였던 시절에 부모에게 버림받았고 보르도의 공적 부조로서 생활했다. 어린 시절의 질병의 결과로서 다리를 사용할 수 없게 되어 목발을 이용해야 했지만, 그는 목발을 경찰을 상대로 무기로 이용하기도 하면서 이 핸디캡을 유용하게 사용하기도 했다.  그는 21살에 파리로 향해서 아나키스트 서클에서 활동했으며 “레 리베르테르(Le Libertaire)”의 사무실에서 살기도 했다. 그는 다양한 아나키스트 그룹의 멤버였고 “행위의 프로파간다(propaganda by the deed)”의 지지자였지만, 1902년과 1904년에 파리 11번구의 기권주의자 후보였다. 이는 자리를 차지할 의지를 가지지 않은 채 선거에 참여하는 것을 의미한다. 그는 이를 아나키스트 사상을 전파시키기 위한 수단으로 간주했다. 드레퓌스 사건이 일어났을 때 그는 “반군국주의 연맹(Anti-Militarist League, 1902)”을 창립했고, 파라프 자발(Paraf-Javal) 와 함께 “대중의 한담(Causeries populaires)” 창립했다. 이 공개 토론은 전국적으로 큰 관심을 불러일으켰고, 파리의 여러 지역에서 서점과 다양한 클럽 개설에 기여했다. 
1905년에 리베르타드는 가장 영향력 있던 개인주의적 아나키스트 신문인 레낙시(L’Anarchie)를 창립했고, 이 신문의 협력자 중에는 앙드레 로륄로(André Lorulot), 에밀 아망드(Emile Armand), 그리고 빅토르 세르주와 그의 동반자인 리레트 메트레장(Rirette Maitrejean) 같은 이들이 있었다. 프랑스의 상황주의자 인터내셔널의 이론가인 라울 바네겜(Raoul Vaneigem)이 언급하기를 “그는 시민들에게 신분증을 불태우도록 청했다. 그들을 노예 목록의 통계 상태로 전락하게 만드는 숫자들을 거부 함으로써 그렇게 다시 인간이 될 것을 요구했다."  그는 아리스티드 브리앙의 교정자로 일하기도 했으며, La Lanterne의 리뷰를 편집했고, 세바스티앙 포르(Sébastien Faure)와 일하기도 했다. 자유연애의 할동가로써 조 닥사(Zo d'Axa)에 의해 창립된 아나키스트 신문인 “랑두어(L'En-Dehors)”에 글을 쓰기도 했다.
레낙시의 7월 14일의 기념일에 “권위의 바스티유(The Bastille of Authority)”라는 선언문 수천 부가 인쇄되어 배포되었다. 사회 질서에 대한 맹렬한 반항과 함께 그는 파티를 열어서 춤을 추기도 했으며 여행을 다니기도 했다. 아나키즘에 대한 그의 시각은 “삶의 기쁨(Joie de vivre)”이라는 형태였다. 전투적인 희생과 죽음을 향한 본능이 아닌, 권위주의적인 사회를 파괴하기 위한 개인의 필요성(혹은 그의 자율성에 대한 필요)을 이 목적과 화해시키려 시도했다. 사실 리베르타드는 개인의 반란과 사회혁명 사이의 그릇된 이분법을 극복했으며, 개인의 반란이 사회혁명의 순간이라는 것을 강조했다. 반란은 개인의 특정한 긴장으로부터 만 나타나며, 그 자체로 확대되면서 사회 해방의 프로젝트로 이어질 수 있다. 리베르타드에게 아나키즘은 어떠한 사회적 상황과도 분리된 냉담한 상아탑에서의 삶이 아니며, 공동체주의적 섬에서의 행복도 아니고, 사회적 역할에 복종하면서 사상을 실천에 옮기는 순간을 무한히 연기하는 것도 아니며, 지금 이 순간에 어떠한 양보도 없이 아나키스트로서 살아가는 것이었다. 그에게 있어 이것이 가능하게 하는 유일한 방법은 반역에 의한 것이었다. 그리고 이러한 관점이 개인의 반란과 사회혁명이 서로를 배제하지 않고, 오히려 서로를 보완하는 이유였다. 
리베르타드는 자신의 삶을 제어할 수 있는 능력의 결핍으로 삶을 부정하며 죽음을 최종적인 해방이라고 여기는 수동적 니힐리즘의 형태를 비판한 것이다. 그는 삶을 제어할 능력을 잃어버린 상태를 일종의 죽음이라고 표현했으며, 그 상황에 체념한 것을 일종의 자살이라고 표현했다.매일 우리는 부분적으로 자살을 한다. 내가 햇빛이 결코 들어오지 않을 집에 살길 동의하고, 환기가 되지 않아 내가 깨어날 때마다 질식케하는 집에 살길 동의할 때 나는 자살을 한다.
내가 결코 다시 회복할 수 없는 에너지를 소모해야 하는 노동에 종사해야 하거나, 내가 쓸모없다고 알고 있는 활동에 참여할 때 나는 자살을 한다.
인간을 복종시키고 나를 억압하는 병영에 들어갈 때마다 나는 자살을 한다.
투표를 통해 다른 자가 나를 4년간 지배할 권리를 부여할 때마다 나는 자살을 한다.
내가 판사나 사제에게 사랑의 허가를 요청할 때마다 나는 자살한다.
사랑이 과거가 되고, 내가 연인으로서의 나의 자유를 되찾지 않을 때 나는 자살을 한다.
완전한 자살은 환경에 반발하는 총체적 무능력의 최종 행동일 뿐이다.
내가 부분적 자살이라 부른 이런 행동들은, 진정한 자살보다 결코 덜한 것이아니다.
우린 살아있다! 살아가자! 체념은 죽음이며, 반란은 삶이다.사람은 살아가야 하며, 반드시 더욱 풍성한 삶을 살고자 갈망해야한다. 그러니 부분적인 자살조차 받아들이지 말자.
우리가 모든 경험, 모든 행복, 모든 감각을 알게되길 열망하자. 우리가 “나”의 감소라는 체념에 만족하게 방치하지 말자. 우리의 삶의 용사가 되자. 그렇게 우리의 비열함과 약함으로부터 이 욕망을 일깨우자. 지구를 우리 자신의 아름다움에 동화 시키자.
이렇게 우리의 소망은 장대하게 결합되며, 마침내 완전함 안에서 우리는 삶의 기쁨을 알게 될것이다.
사람들이 자신의 삶에 대한 통제권을 빼앗기는 상황을 거부하고, 자신의 삶의 완전한 통제권을 되찾고, 그들의 삶을 풍족하게 하고자 투쟁할 때, 사회는 그에 따라 변화해 나갈 것이다. 자유롭길 욕망하는 개인의 반란이 서로 교류하고 단결하며, 개인의 자유를 위한 이 투쟁은 결과적으로 자유로운 사회를 향한 투쟁으로 나아갈 것이다. 리베르타드에게 사회혁명이란 이런 의미인 것이다.
The Sun Still Rises
We believe that the concept of the anarchist urban guerrilla isn’t a separate identity one assumes only while engaging in armed attack. Rather, we feel it’s a matter of merging each person’s private and public life in the context of total liberation. We aren’t anarchists only when we throw a Molotov at a riot police van, carry out expropriations, or plant an explosive device. We’re also anarchists when we talk to our friends, take care of our comrades, have fun, and fall in love. We aren’t enlisted soldiers whose duty is revolution. We are guerrillas of pleasure who view the connection between rebellion and life as a prerequisite for taking action.
Explore the OLL Collection: Images of Liberty and Power The Divine Right of Kings or Regal Tyranny? (Hobbes and Lilburne)
The Divine Right of Kings or Regal Tyranny? Thomas Hobbes (1651) vs. John Lilburne (1647) During the upheavals of the English Civil War when the divine right of the English monarchy was challenged by Parliament, the king executed, and a Commonwealth under Cromwell instituted, there was vigorous debate about the kind of government which should be instituted. Thomas Hobbes (1588-1679) argued .
Pullman Record Minute Books, from the Midwest Manuscripts Collection.
Ordnance Survey materials for use in cartographic and genealogical research.
The Newberry has actively collected research and reference materials since its foundation in 1887. From the mid-1890s on, its collecting activities have focused on the humanities, with an emphasis on original sources for the study of European and Western Hemisphere history, literature, and culture since the late medieval period. The Newberry has also continued to build its collection of secondary books – including reference works, monographs, periodicals, and other serials – and more recently digitized reproductions to support the use of its original sources.
Today, the library's evolving collections include more than 1.5 million books, five million manuscript pages (15,000 cubic feet), and 500,000 historic maps. Look at Recent Acquisitions to see examples of what has been added to the collection during the last few years. Our History and Timeline pages offer further details on individual collections and people in the Newberry’s past.
As the collection has been built by a combination of gift and purchase across the past century and a quarter, the following special areas of strengths have developed. (See Core Collections.)
- American Indian and Indigenous Studies
- American History and Culture
- Chicago and the Midwest
- Genealogy and Local History
- History of the Book
- Manuscripts and Archives
- Maps, Travel, and Exploration
- Medieval, Renaissance, and Early Modern Studies
The Newberry's founding donor, Walter L. Newberry, did not leave any books for the library because his personal goods were destroyed by the Chicago Fire of 1871. But his financial legacy made it possible for the Newberry to buy much material in its earliest years, including Florentine Count Pio Resse's great music library (1889), the magnificent collection of rare books and manuscripts assembled by Henry Probasco of Cincinnati (1890), and the 17,000-volume collection of language and linguistic material of Prince Louis-Lucien Bonaparte (1901). Genealogical resources began to be purchased regularly before 1900. During the 1920s and 1930s, the Newberry year after year purchased incunabula, a process that has continued into the present.
The largest single expenditure to acquire a collection came in 1964, with the purchase of the Louis H. Silver Collection of English and Continental early and first editions. Other notable purchases of entire collections in that era included the Franco Novacco Collection of European maps and views and the Francis Driscoll Collection of American sheet music, as well as a 35,000-item collection of French Revolution-era pamphlets. Among the most notable recent purchases of large collections have been the Klaus Stopp Collection of printed German-American birth and baptismal certificates and a substantial group of maps and books with maps from the collection of the Chicago History Museum.
The gift of two major collections in the years after 1910 permanently shaped the Newberry. In 1911, Edward E. Ayer began giving the library his extraordinary collection of materials related to American Indians. In 1918, John M. Wing left the Newberry his equally exceptional collection related to the history of printing and the book arts. Both men bequeathed funds that have allowed their collections to grow mightily since that time. The same was true of William B. Greenlee and Everett D. Graff, who gave both extremely important collections related, respectively, to Portugal and Brazil and to the American West, and funding for future purchases. The Rudy L. Ruggles Collection, focusing on key elements of American constitutional history and literature, was also supplemented by a purchase fund.
One of the most active areas of collecting at the Newberry since the mid-twentieth century has been manuscript materials and archives related to Chicago and Midwest businesses and journalism and cultural organizations. Major railroad companies are especially well represented, as are the history of dance (the Ann Barzell Collection), news organizations (Chicago Daily News, Chicago Sun-Times, Chicago Reader, City News Bureau), and Chicago clubs.
Maps and map-related materials have come to the Newberry in abundance in recent decades. These materials have included the maps and atlases published by the Rand McNally Company since 1876, as well as the archives of Rand McNally, the General Drafting Company, and the H. M. Gousha Company. From the Roger S. Baskes Collection of books with maps have come some 10,000 items already, with support for cataloging.
During the last two decades, the Newberry has worked closely with other Chicago-area institutions to bring items from their collections into ours. Thousands of items related to European and American religion, which are today part of the Sister Ann Ida Gannon Collection, have come from Mundelein College, the Divine Word Society, the Dominican Friars of the Province of St. Albert the Great, Concordia University, the Passionist Monastery of Chicago (Northside), the McCormick Theological Seminary, and the Catholic Theological Union.
Today the Newberry's curatorial and professional library staff and the representatives of our Research and Academic Programs Division, including research center directors, work collaboratively to develop the collection further, in partnership with our Society of Collectors, other individual donors of materials, and those who give funds for the purchase of materials.